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NPK-info 28-01-2006 - Nederlands Palestina Komitee / www.palestina-komitee.nl
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Today in Palestine! http://www.theheadlines.org
The Wall http://stopthewall.org/photos/1078.shtml
Checkpoints, Gates and Terminals – Driving racist ghettoization in the 21st century

Hamas Election Victory - a Call for Good Governance and Respect of
Palestinian Rights

http://www.badil.org/Publications/Press/2006/press406-06.htm
BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights
Press release, 27 January 2006 (E/02/06)

Herzliya Conference reveals Israeli plans after disengagement
Jonathan Cook, The Electronic Intifada, 27 January 2006
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article4430.shtml

Qumsiyeh: A Human Rights Web

http://www.qumsiyeh.org/humanrightsblog2006/

Middle East Watch
http://www.zmag.org/meastwatch/meastwat.cfm

Webtip [Ibdaa Radio 194]: http://www.flashpoints.net/

NPK/WL, 28-1-2006
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----- Original Message -----
From: <info@badil.org>
To: <info@badil.org>
Sent: Friday, January 27, 2006 2:20 PM
Subject: Hamas Election Victory - a Call for Good Governance and Respect of
Palestinian Rights

BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights
Press release, 27 January 2006 (E/02/06)

Hamas Election Victory - a Call for Good Governance and Respect of
Palestinian Rights

Hamas is now challenged with finding ways to respond to the legacy and the
multi-facetted public expectations of its victory and new leadership role.
The Palestinian vote has correctly been described as a political earthquake
or tusnami that poses deep challenges to the Palestinian body politique,
including the secular forces of the Palestinian left. The ball, however, is
in the court of the international community - diplomats, governments, and
civil society - who will have to show whether they are able and willing to
hear and engage based on the message of Palestinian voters in the occupied
Palestinian Territory (OPT).

The 25 January elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) were
conducted democratically and peacefully with a voter turnout of almost 78%.
This is a remarkable success, especially because of the inherent
contradiction between democratic election and military occupation and
colonization: Israeli military checkpoints in occupied eastern Jerusalem
blocked free access to ballot stations in the outskirts of the city, while
voters in town had to go through a cumbersome procedure of casting their
votes in Israeli post offices surrounded by Israel security and border
police. Therefore, voter turnout in Jerusalem was low (41%). Some two-thirds
(6 million) of the Palestinian people live in exile and their right to
participation is denied under the terms of the Oslo Accords. Palestinians
did
not elect their representatives to a parliament and government of an
independent and sovereign state, but to a Palestinian Authority with very
limited powers over small parts of the OPT.

Palestinians in the OPT chose their representatives in the 132-seat
parliament
by casting two separate votes, one for a country-wide party list (66 seats)
and one for individual candidates running on the district level (66 seats).

Although a strong showing of Hamas in these elections was expected, the
sweeping victory came as a surprise to all. In common times, Hamas enjoys a
stable support of some one-third of the Palestinian population in the OPT,
and nobody - neither Palestinian voters, polsters, local and international
analysts, nor Israeli intelligence or even Hamas itself - had expected that
its country-wide list 'Reform and Change' and individual Hamas candidates
combined would take 75 of the 132 seats in the new Palestinian parliament.
Fatah was left with 44 seats, Palestinian secular and democratic forces who
had formed four separate lists achieved a combined result of 9 seats, and 4
seats went to independent candidates, most of them also supported by Hamas.

What made Palestinians opt for Hamas in the second PLC elections? The answer
has both an internal and an external component. A major internal factor is a
general public fatigue and disgust of the Fatah-led Palestinian political
leadership which - as the Palestinian Authority - has ruled Palestinian
political life since the 1993 Olso Accords. The vote for Hamas is a vote for
change, for ending a situation where lack of good governance and commitment
to serving the public, in-fighting, corruption and arrogance of the rulers
have resulted in an ever-deterioriating situation. And Hamas has a proven
record, as elected head of municipalities and local councils, of being a
more
credible, impartial and committed civil servant than the old guard of
notable
and Fatah-affiliated communal leadership.

Moreover, the Palestinian vote for Hamas is a vote against the Fatah-led
Palestinian Authority whose commitment to fundamenal rights and principles
of
the Palestinian national struggle is widely doubted. The Palestinan
Authority
has become both a prisoner and indispensible partner in endless diplomacy
whose purpose is to cover up the fact that nothing is done to bring about a
just and lasting peace, and it has failed to take action against those from
its own ranks, who publically undermine the national consensus and struggle
for freedom from occupation, the right of return of the refugees and
self-determination. None of the Fatah candidates known for corruption or
involvement in the Geneva Initiative, for example, were elected on the
district level due to their personal record, while 45 of the 66 seats went
to
locally respected individuals affiliated with Hamas. Palestinians voted for
an end to this status-quo and for a new leadership that will lead the
Palestinian struggle with determination and clarity.

Finally, the Palestinian vote for Hamas is a message to Israel and the
international community. It is a vote against external efforts to set the
rules for Palestinian democracy, a signal of protest against the massive
interference in the election process by western governments and the European
Union, who repeatedly threatened to withhold economic aid and political
support should Hamas join the Palestinian Authority. It is a message to the
international community, in particular the 'Quartet,' that Palestinians are
no longer willing to accept the approach to peacemaking which holds that
Palestinian 'reform', rather than ending Israel's occupation and
colonization, is the way to resolve the conflict. It is a call for ending
Israel's impunity and for respect and enforcement of Palestninian rights
under international law.

For now, Hamas is heavily challenged with finding ways to respond to the
legacy and the multi-facetted public expectations of its victory and new
leadership role. The Palestinian vote has correctly been described as a
political earthquake or tusnami that poses deep challenges to the
Palestinian
body politique, including the secular forces of the Palestinian left.

The ball, however, is in the court of the international community -
diplomats, governments, and civil society - who will have to show whether it
is able and willing to hear and to engage based on the Palestinian call for
change towards good governance and a principled stand in the struggle for
freedom, justice and peace.

--
BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights
PO Box 728, Bethlehem, Palestine
Telefax: 00972-2-2747346
info@badil.org - www.badil.org
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